Now and Later: Another Presentation of Krugman’s Main Argument about Fiscal Policy

Now and Later

by Paul Krugman
New York Times, June 21, 2010

Spend now, while the economy remains depressed; save later, once it has recovered. How hard is that to understand?

Very hard, if the current state of political debate is any indication. All around the world, politicians seem determined to do the reverse. They’re eager to shortchange the economy when it needs help, even as they balk at dealing with long-run budget problems.

But maybe a clear explanation of the issues can change some minds. So let’s talk about the long and the short of budget deficits. I’ll focus on the U.S. position, but a similar story can be told for other nations.

At the moment, as you may have noticed, the U.S. government is running a large budget deficit. Much of this deficit, however, is the result of the ongoing economic crisis, which has depressed revenues and required extraordinary expenditures to rescue the financial system. As the crisis abates, things will improve. The Congressional Budget Office, in its analysis of President Obama’s budget proposals, predicts that economic recovery will reduce the annual budget deficit from about 10 percent of G.D.P. this year to about 4 percent of G.D.P. in 2014.

Unfortunately, that’s not enough. Even if the government’s annual borrowing were to stabilize at 4 percent of G.D.P., its total debt would continue to grow faster than its revenues. Furthermore, the budget office predicts that after bottoming out in 2014, the deficit will start rising again, largely because of rising health care costs.

So America has a long-run budget problem. Dealing with this problem will require, first and foremost, a real effort to bring health costs under control — without that, nothing will work. It will also require finding additional revenues and/or spending cuts. As an economic matter, this shouldn’t be hard — in particular, a modest value-added tax, say at a 5 percent rate, would go a long way toward closing the gap, while leaving overall U.S. taxes among the lowest in the advanced world.

But if we need to raise taxes and cut spending eventually, shouldn’t we start now? No, we shouldn’t.

Right now, we have a severely depressed economy — and that depressed economy is inflicting long-run damage. Every year that goes by with extremely high unemployment increases the chance that many of the long-term unemployed will never come back to the work force, and become a permanent underclass. Every year that there are five times as many people seeking work as there are job openings means that hundreds of thousands of Americans graduating from school are denied the chance to get started on their working lives. And with each passing month we drift closer to a Japanese-style deflationary trap.

Penny-pinching at a time like this isn’t just cruel; it endangers the nation’s future. And it doesn’t even do much to reduce our future debt burden, because stinting on spending now threatens the economic recovery, and with it the hope for rising revenues.

So now is not the time for fiscal austerity. How will we know when that time has come? The answer is that the budget deficit should become a priority when, and only when, the Federal Reserve has regained some traction over the economy, so that it can offset the negative effects of tax increases and spending cuts by reducing interest rates.

Currently, the Fed can’t do that, because the interest rates it can control are near zero, and can’t go any lower. Eventually, however, as unemployment falls — probably when it goes below 7 percent or less — the Fed will want to raise rates to head off possible inflation. At that point we can make a deal: the government starts cutting back, and the Fed holds off on rate hikes so that these cutbacks don’t tip the economy back into a slump.

But the time for such a deal is a long way off — probably two years or more. The responsible thing, then, is to spend now, while planning to save later.

As I said, many politicians seem determined to do the reverse. Many members of Congress, in particular, oppose aid to the long-term unemployed, let alone to hard-pressed state and local governments, on the grounds that we can’t afford it. In so doing, they are undermining spending at a time when we really need it, and endangering the recovery. Yet efforts to control health costs were met with cries of “death panels.”

And some of the most vocal deficit scolds in Congress are working hard to reduce taxes for the handful of lucky Americans who are heirs to multimillion-dollar estates. This would do nothing for the economy now, but it would reduce revenues by billions of dollars a year, permanently.

But some politicians must be sincere about being fiscally responsible. And to them I say, please get your timing right. Yes, we need to fix our long-run budget problems — but not by refusing to help our economy in its hour of need.

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4 Responses to “Now and Later: Another Presentation of Krugman’s Main Argument about Fiscal Policy”

  1. Bob F Says:

    One problem is that many people who speak from an apparent position of authority or expertise talk as if the recession is over, or at least that the recovery is well under way. This past weekend “America Speaks” held this nation-wide discussion on the federal budget, and the head of the organization described our current situation as “the tail end of the recovery”, i.e., we’re almost fully recovered. That’s certainly not the perspective of 10% of our workforce!! The misery of the “lesser people” is discounted or ignored in the face of the renewed success of the well-off.

    To change the topic slightly: when I hear repeated claims that the growth rate in medical costs is unsustainable I wonder how likely is it that they would grow at that same pace? It seems that there is probably a number of natural and systemic limits to how much medical care a given population would be able to consume. It seems reasonable that expenses would grow rapidly as we transition from health care as a luxury to health care as a right, but eventually we reach that point where everybody who needs it gets it. There should be much less pressure for growth at that point.

    I suspect that a number of the other areas of “growth that is unsustainable” likewise have natural limits or factors moderating growth – have they been adequately considered?

    Bob

  2. Andrew Bard Schmookler Says:

    A couple of quick thoughts, Bob F.

    The escalation of health care costs has been going on a long while. It is also something –since life and death are often involved– for which the demand is, as the economists say, INELASTIC. WHich means that demand doesn’t change as much with changes in price as with most other goods. Also, there are problems in that, with insurance, the one choosing to “consume” the goods is not always the one who has to pay for them.

    With all these factors, I’d say the problem of rising health care costs DOES NOT TAKE CARE OF ITSELF.

  3. Richard H. RAndall Says:

    Good posts: thanks.
    I have done some study on American, and alternate health care systems over the years. The costs of the U.S. system rose approximately 18-20 % per year for nearly 20 years. (I think it was only 12% last year though.) This occurred by design as both insurance companies, hospitals and physicians “cashed in” continually-because they could.
    The President has said, correctly, that this had to be brought under control as does Mr. Krugman (above) because no cost which rises at this rate is sustainable.
    The less well off who have died for having had no health insurance are victims of this greed, the same as the unemployed will be the victims of this false sense of economy, as a result of the fiscal budget hawks, though of course the measures will be done so that they and their friends will thrive.

  4. Jim Z. Says:

    Krugman, though entirely accurate, is much too restrained in this piece. In another of his editorials (which appeared in the Denver Post just a day or two ago), he flat out predicts a full blown world depression if the G-20 ignores Obama’s (fairly modest) call to continue stimulus spending and instead goes down the road of contractionary fiscal policies.

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